Police arrested a man in Wellington in 1900 for a cold case, a murder-arson which had taken place 8 years before in England. The arrest was the start of an amazing saga of indecision, inconclusive statements and mistakes, all surrounding the true identity of the man in custody headed towards extradition to England – and the gallows. The story becomes comedy at times: scores of witnesses were called-on, both in Wellington and in England, to positively identify the accused, but few could.  DNA testing and fingerprinting, unavailable in those times, would have certainly prevented this comedy of errors.

Birth of a Cold Case

The cold case occurred half a world away, in Colchester, England, on December 8th 1893.

On that night the charred remains of Alfred Welch, a clothier, had been found in the debris of his premises which had been gutted by fire. There had been a noose around his neck: doctors at the inquest said Welch was dead before the fire, his corpse dragged into the room where his remains were later found. A strong box on the premises which was known to contain about £100 was found empty, the keys alongside the charred body.

Detectives believed Welch was killed for his money, lugged upstairs into a bedroom whereupon the house was set on fire, the murderer hoping to destroy all evidence of the crime.

Prime suspect was Mr Welch’s employee, Arthur Blatch, who was known to have been with his boss when the clothing shop was closed up for business on the day in question… and who had not been seen since. Detectives said he disappeared from Colchester.

Wellington police believed Blatch had been in and around Wellington since 1897 but they failed each time they tried to intercept him. Blatch was injured in the collapse of scaffolding at Parliament Buildings and police narrowed their inquiries to Wellington Hospital, but their man disappeared during convalescence.

Detective George Nixon of Lambton Quay Station, like a dog with a bone, did not give up on the case, determined to find Blatch. He worked in tandem with Detective Charles Broberg and over the years the duo followed up several other sightings and found people who said they had known Blatch in Colchester when they had resided there. George Hewson, for instance, a public servant, told Detective Nixon he had seen Blatch in Wellington, recognising him from earlier days in Colchester and that he was familiar with reports of the Welch murder in English newspapers. Hewson said a woman, Margaret Archer, who had recently visited Wellington, was once in a relationship with Blatch back in England. While in Wellington she told Hewson that she had positively identified Blatch. But she returned to the UK before police could interview her. Others stated that they knew Blatch since he arrived in New Zealand. All said that they could positively identify the man, which was a comfort to police because it was going to be essential to prove the man’s identity before a Court would order detention while awaiting extradition to England to face the most serious charge.

Sudden Development

Then, in November 1900, seven years after the murder, the Evening Post was advising an astonishing development. Wellington detectives told the newspaper that they had found Blatch and interviewed him. They had arrested and charged him with the Cold Case – Welch’s murder – and that the next day the accused would be appearing in court. Detective Nixon, the newspaper said, “deserves great credit for his pertinacity in striving to bring to justice a man suspected of such a terrible crime”.

A Difference of Opinion

But while detectives reckoned they had Arthur Blatch in the cells, their prisoner said he was someone else. He claimed to be Charles Lillywhite, saying he had proof of his real identity, that he was innocent of the Colchester murder – in fact he had never been to the place – and that he was a citizen of the United States, 42 years of age.

Police were relaxed about this claim which they believed easily discounted – they already had statements from a number of people saying the man they had arrested was Blatch.

First Appearance

Blatch, alias Lillywhite, was charged before the well-experienced magistrate, William Haselden. In evidence Detective Nixon said the statement from Margaret Archer who had been visiting Wellington, “a person not of good repute” he admitted, was the trigger for his recent investigations but he missed Blatch at that stage so issued a warrant for his arrest and continued inquiries.  Once back In England Margaret Archer told Colchester Police of her “find” in New Zealand saying the man, Blatch, was now using the name Lillywhite and lived in Wellington.

Detective Nixon came up with a man, George Drawbridge, who attested “…I knew Blatch in Colchester and can corroborate his identity although until today I had only seen a photo. Blatch had been a groundsman at Colchester recreation park and was a part-time porter for the dead man, Welch. But this morning I have seen the prisoner in the flesh and he is Arthur Blatch”.

At this stage the accused, Lillywhite, interposed “I am not. I am an American, and I don’t know Margaret Archer. I was never in Colchester in my life, and never kept the grounds there. I left England in 1885, and I have not been there since. I was born in London in 1860, as near as I can say. In 1893 I was in Tacoma, Washington, America.”

The prisoner was then charged with the murder of Alfred Welch, to which accused replied…”l don’t know Blatch or Welch. Who is Welch? l went to America from England, and I had a partner named Clarke in business as a painter in Tacoma, and I had a place fourteen miles out of Tacoma.”

The court was told that the appearance of accused tallied with the description of Arthur Blatch given in the Gazette. Accused asked several questions… “who was I supposed to be with and how is it  it’s assumed I was acquainted with a woman? I never chummed up with any woman in Wellington. Blatch and I are two different people entirely”.

The accused then complained about his treatment in jail and asked the magistrate if he could have a lawyer. When Mr Haselden heard Lillywhite’s claim to be an American citizen he said the prisoner would have access to the American Counsel and to his personal papers.

Blatch, alias Lillywhite, was remanded for a week so British authorities could be alerted and their intentions sought.

At this stage police must have known that identity was the key question and that the people produced so far were short on substance. Ms Archer was, in Detective Nixon’s words probably not totally reliable, Hewson identified Blatch after many years since he last saw him and Drawbridge had relied on an aging photograph. Surely Detective Nixon had more credible witnesses who could positively say the accused was Arthur Blatch?

Blatch or Lillywhite?

This question took centre stage in subsequent court sessions. Blatch alias Lillywhite was remanded weekly, for a month, and each hearing took on more comic theatre than the last. Errors unfolded.

Horace Attwood, travelled especially from Invercargill to give evidence, said he knew Arthur Blatch in Colchester “for many years”. He had met with the accused that morning, had a brief conversation, seen police photos from England but his statement was “I can’t say the prisoner is not Blatch”.

“Look hard at the photos and the man in the dock” implored the Magistrate. Same answer. The Magistrate told witness to have a longer private conversation with the prisoner but Attwood later returned to the court to reveal “I have nothing more to say”. And it was the same after a blitz of questions from lawyers.


The accused again complained about his cell at The Terrace Jail, the food… and the ventilation “…which does my state of health, diabetes, no good”. The Evening Post labelled conditions in the jail “barbaric” after which the authorities defended their facility and published a list of daily rations and asked the prison doctor to examine the inmate.
He is nor diabetic!” was the professional opinion.

Between court appearances the police arranged for the cook of HMS “Mildura” to visit Blatch alias Lillywhite because the seaman had known the accused in Colchester. The chef was unable to help: he would not say one way or the other.


And a woman, a widow from Auckland, arrived in the Capital to support the accused: it turned out she was engaged to be married to the man in the dock  and their wedding had to be delayed when he was arrested.  She thought she was marrying Charles Lillywhite but said she really didn’t know his background.


At the next hearing George Drawbridge was called in person to give his previous statement that he knew Blatch in Colchester for 5 or more years when Blatch was a green-keeper. He had seen him there very often and was sure the person in the dock was the same man, Blatch. He had not seen him for about 10 years, but he was nevertheless certain and his positive identification was not shaken by numerous questions from counsel and the Judge.

The defence produced letters and personal papers showing that Charles Lillywhite, not Blatch as the witness said, was an American subject and had lived in Tacoma. The Judge said he had seen all the documentation, but it might be Lillywhite’s property now in the hands of prisoner Blatch giving him a false persona.


Several tradesmen were produced to state that Lillywhite, as they knew him, often spoke about United States, never about England, that he was a competent painter, a journeyman, who had worked his passage as a ship’s painter.


 Next George Hewson appeared to give his formal evidence. He said he knew Blatch very well in Colchester and frequently met him, together with the murdered man, Welch. He said Blatch had a prominent Adams Apple. His statements were quite compelling. Until he mentioned that he was blind, that he had been so for 18 months and these days could not see very far at all. And certainly not the distance across the courtroom to the dock where the accused was now seated.


Robert Barcham was next in the witness box. His evidence was short – he was from Colchester and knew Margaret Archer on the same boat out to New Zealand but he could not recall anyone by the name of Blatch in his home town.


Week by week the remands continued and Blatch alias Lillywhite spent Christmas in the cells. On 27th December the court was advised detectives, who would identify the accused, were en route to New Zealand from England and a further remand was granted.

Witnesses from England

On 17th January two visitors from England were in Court, Sergeant Frost of Colchester Police and John Marsh, keeper of the Colchester Town Hall.

Sergeant Frost told the court that years ago in Colchester he had seen the man, Blatch, almost every day but he was now unable to positively identify him. After many questions about detailed facial features (nose, nostrils, and ears), voice and methods of speech, dress and personal tidiness, physical build and gait, the judge intervened: “If you say that this man is Blatch he must be sent Home for trial. Are you prepared to take that responsibility and say that he is Blatch?” To which Sergeant Frost said “to the best of my knowledge he is”. Frost could not confirm that Blatch had suffered small pox and was left with marks, (the accused had residual pock marks), whether he played a concertina (the accused did) and whether Blatch had ever been to America (the accused had many papers, as Lillywhite, connecting him with the United States).

Frost said he could not positively identify photographs said to be of Blatch, neither could he identify the man in the dock.


City Council Officer, John Marsh, followed with a similar description of the wanted man, whom he knew as green-keeper employed by the Council. He remembered Blatch as a man of bigger build, who was always clean-shaven, unlike the man in the dock. “Blatch was a consummate pipe smoker who had worn a V in his teeth where he clenched the pipe. Accused, I have to admit, has no such teeth”.

Defence counsel – “Do you agree If the man in the dock is Blatch he was a remarkable actor taking the part of Lillywhite.

Marsh: “Yes, I agree”.

Defence: “Do you think he is Blatch?”

Marsh: “I have a suspicion he is”.

The Judge: “Is that all it amounts to?”


Change on Minds

Both Frost and Marsh were recalled after the luncheon adjournment during which the prisoner had been shaved.

Frost said “After seeing the accused with his whiskers off, and hearing him speak I am prepared to swear that he is Blatch. I noticed the Essex dialect in several words that he spoke”.

Defence counsel reminded the court that Frost was not certain that morning and could not pick him out as Blatch. There had been a change of mind!

His Worship agreed – “I know myself that the witness first entirely failed to recognise him as Blatch”. Frost was further cross-examined and ended with “I swear that in my opinion the accused is Blatch”.

Marsh, too, told the court he was now almost positive it was Blatch, the wanted man. “His voice has altered since he first spoke that morning, I can almost swear to his voice”

The Judge said “I am not going to have the responsibility of sending this man to England on a mere opinion”.

Marsh: “l’m prepared to say it is Blatch. I am quite certain”

Judge “Are you prepared to say with all human certainty that it is Blatch?”

Marsh: “Yes”.

Defence counsel: “Will you swear on your oath that he is Blatch?

Marsh: “Yes”

Defence: “Do you, using a careful, sober, discreet judgment, swear that man is Blatch?”


Police called other witnesses saying Blatch (or Lillywhite) had been seen in Otaki but identities of women, locations of places, and dates either varied or were unconfirmed: the Magistrate, William Haselden, would later say he put no weight on this evidence.

Case Decided

Summing up, Mr Haselden said he was moved chiefly by what Sergeant Frost and Messrs Marsh and Drawbridge had said. “They have had extraordinary opportunities of considering the matter, and have taken the responsibility of saying that they identified this man, and there was not the slightest reason to suppose that they were actuated by any improper motives. How the accused could be Arthur Blatch, and at the same time have possession of those documents and sustain such an examination, I do not know. I am convinced of this – that is, he is Charles Lillywhite but by far the best thing for him is to go to England, where he need be under no apprehension of condemnation if he is an innocent man. I have the plain duty to commit accused. He will not be surrendered to the police from England for fifteen days to allow for an appeal”.


The accused’s lawyer filed a writ of habeas corpus which challenges the state’s right to detain a prisoner.

Before the case began Blatch, or Lillywhite, received letters from abroad, America mostly, saying how absurd it was he was in trouble, confirming he owned land, assuring that he was a first class painter and backing up his claims of a skilled musician. Tacoma’s Police Chief also wrote confirming “…Lillywhite is who he said he is, not Blatch and I will get other townspeople here who know him to also vouch for him”.

Two judges, the Chief Justice and one other, heard the appeal. The Crown advised that Magistrate Haselden decided the prisoner could be Blatch and should be handed over to police to stand trial for murder in England.

The Crown: “There were 3 witnesses who identified the man as Blatch”.

The Defence: “The documents in the man’s possession identify him as Lillywhite, plus the correspondence from Tacoma”.

The Crown: “The Magistrate had no alternative but to commit the prisoner to England.

The Judges considered the case and later advised that they were divided about the matter: they agreed that the Magistrates’ Court had correctly decided Blatch’s deportation but they were uncertain about the Supreme Court’s role in the process. And they were divided on this point of law and had delivered opposing judgments.


In New Zealand law at the time, it required both Judges to agree: if it was a split decision, as in this case, the habeas corpus failed: the appeal was lost. But the Judges said the case could be re-argued in the Supreme Court… or the accused might waive this course and agree to be extradited.


Through his lawyers he said he preferred to go to England to put things to rights, seeking a sea journey via America so he could pick up personal papers and further evidence to prove his identity.

This was denied – on March 9th 1901 the warrant for extradition was actioned when, accompanied by Sergeant Frost, the accused left New Zealand for passage to England via the Suez Canal.

The Evening Post newspaper, 16th March 1901, summed up the pros and cons whether the accused was Blatch or Lillywhite and then went on to say “… the question of his identity should easily be set at rest in England. There are many people in Colchester who knew Blatch for years before the murder. Margaret Archer is, we understand, available, and Blatch’s wife and a young woman with whom he is alleged to have lived with for some time prior to the murder, should be easily found, and will probably be able to say whether Lillywhite is the man. On the other hand, Lillywhite states that he has relations, in various parts of England, and they should, if his story is true, be able to prove that he is not Blatch, but an entirely different individual”.


The Evening Post, along with other newspapers, subsequently published correspondence between Charles Lillywhite’s brother, Isaac, in England, along with an interview with Isaac by a reporter in Colchester who concluded Charles Lillywhite was not Blatch. “The authorities have been misled by a chance resemblance!”

At the same time London newspapers raised the possibility that Blatch had carefully and thoroughly taken over the identity of Lillywhite… further complicating the case.


And to heighten the mystery, Arthur Blatch’s wife told British newspapermen that her husband was dead: she had indisputable evidence he had drowned several years before.

The Evening Post’s London correspondent wrote in May 1901 – “At present the affair is a complete puzzle, and promises to be a cause celebre in the history of criminal law”.

Then a month later the same correspondent suggested that there was speculation at Colchester Council that the two men, Sergeant Frost and Mr Marsh, had gone missing, their whereabouts unknown.

Back to the Courtroom

But this question was answered when the trio arrived in England with the accused, Blatch or Lillywhite, who appeared before Colchester Court on 16th June, charged with murder. The hearing was in closed court.

By late June it was advised that all-out police efforts were underway to identify the prisoner… and that they were failing. Some 40 Colchester people who reckoned they knew Blatch in earlier days could not identify the accused as Blatch. They had the opportunity to see the prisoner both bearded and clean shaven, apart from a moustache, who paraded with eighteen other men and the witnesses were introduced one by one. None could identify the man as Blatch, or Lillywhite.


“Doubts were manifest” said a Colchester newspaper. One man, William Gates, upon whom police had most trust to make a sure identification, blundered. He went along the line-up and pointed out a man whom he thought was Blatch. But it was really a local man who had been working on the Colchester roads for the last fourteen years. Gates said he was positive, that it was definitely Blatch with whom he had lived for some time and he was so certain that he sent for his wife.”

The newspaper continued that she also knew Blatch very well: after all, he had boarded with the couple. But she failed to identify Blatch/Lillywhite, and passed on to the self-same man that her husband had selected: plainly wrong. The man he Gates pointed  out was miles away from the spot at the time the murder took place, and his ‘history’ was well known to the police authorities at Colchester. He may have been a petty criminal but he was not Blatch! And the Press pointed out other striking instances of non-identification”.


“Mr. Page, farmer, of Fingringhoe, said he knew Blatch well, but could not see him in in the line-up. Mr Sizzey, who was manager in Mr. Welch’s tailoring shop where Blatch was porter, also failed to make any identification”.


“Even more surprising, Isaac Lillywhite, picked the wrong man as his brother. But he afterwards selected the accused, and had long conversations with the prisoner, chatting about many occasions during their childhood which confirmed that the man police claimed to be Blatch was, in fact, Charles Lillywhite.



On 26th June the accused was confirmed as being Charles Lillywhite, mistaken for Arthur Blatch, and was released.

The question of compensation for false detention and travel to England, plus a need for Lillywhite’s rehabilitation, was quickly raised in the press and in New Zealand parliament.

Costs to the Colchester Council for “the chase to New Zealand” (some would say the wild goose chase!) amounted to £400 and it was revealed that the P and O Line refused Frost and Marsh’s return passage because they had with them an undesirable… a prisoner suspected of murder.

The Leeds “Mercury” newspaper said “The New Zealand police made a bad mistake in arresting the man Charles Lillywhite without first thoroughly investigating the extraordinary story of the woman who pretended to recognise him. It was at the best a very doubtful tale. Had they made quite sure of their man before sailing for England, Colchester would have been saved hundreds of pounds, and the unfortunate victim their egregious blunder along with the pain and anxiety of such an extremely trying experience. It is to be hoped that Lillywhite will be adequately compensated for all he has gone through since he was taken into custody at the beginning of last November”.


On 8th January 1902 it was announced in London by the Home Secretary that the Imperial Government had paid Charles Lillywhite a sum of compensation for his ordeal, £600 plus a free passage back to Wellington if he chooses to return. “This is not as the result of a claim, but compensation for extraordinary circumstances that transpired”. New Zealand newspapers welcomed the news in their editorials, saying this pay-out would no doubt bring an end to the New Zealand Parliament consideration’s for recompense: there would not be two sums paid out.

This brought the near 2 year saga to an end: much longer than Charles Lillywhite dreamed of when, at the first remand in Wellington in November 1900, he asked the Court “…how many weeks is this going to go on for?”

Charles Lillywhite settled in Seattle and it’s not recorded whether the Auckland woman to whom he was engaged at the time of his arrest joined him there.

Footnote #1

Did the case of mistaken identity, the indignity to Lillywhite – and angst that took him within reach of the gallows – plus the cost to the Crown in both New Zealand and in England, have an effect on the careers of the two policemen George Holbrook Nixon and Charles Robert Broberg? They originally arrested the suspect and tried so hard to identify him with a succession of witnesses giving inconclusive evidence as to his identification.

After the case George Nixon was transferred from Wellington to Gisborne where, a newspaper write-up said, he was wasted and frustrated with little serious crime to be investigated.

But long-term effects on his future with the police cannot be known. He died in Auckland in 1905 aged 37 years while taking a break between appointments: he was on transfer from Gisborne to Christchurch.

For Charles Broberg there was apparently no repercussions following his mistake over Lillywhite. He went on to make numerous notable arrests as a detective, work on serious crimes for which he is best remembered. He oversaw police and security protection during three Royal Visits and was promoted to Superintendent in 1924: he retired in 1928 and died in 1937.

 Footnote #2

Once Lillywhite was properly identified and acquitted of any wrong-doing, one of the New Zealand newspapers reckoned Sergeant Frost – one of the few to “positively” identify the accused – would be “Frost by name and frost by nature“ now that he had been proven wrong. To which I will add my own two points. Of course the sergeant was frosty: it was after all a cold case! And secondly, the prisoner proved to be Lillywhite by name and by nature!


Papers Past, National Library of New Zealand

RCC August 2020

This story was inspired by a stay at the Orua Bay Motel in 2015. Reading the in-room almanac I found a list of former proprietors of the harbour-side accommodation since it was first opened by the Ritchies in the late 1890s. Researching finer details of these pioneers led to an appreciation of the history of the Bay, and surrounds… its connection with Kauri milling, earliest missionaries, the “Orpheus” tragedy and the unfulfilled Cornwallis dream.


Ritchie family members were among the first to settle at Orua Bay on the northern shore of Awhitu Peninsula on the waterfront of the Manukau Harbour.  They suffered privation, accident, threat of the Maori Wars and, in the case of Robert Junior, financial difficulties. Access was at first by boat (weather and tides permitting), on horseback or by foot. Robert and Mary Ritchie recognised the attractions of the sheltered, first-class beach and its potential. From 1891 they provided visitor accommodation at Orua Bay offering cottages fronting the sands.

These days it’s an easy drive by road through rolling, sometimes steep, farmland from Waiuku to Orua Bay where the road first reveals views of the Manukau Harbour and the distant Waitakere Ranges beyond. Then the road lets down to the flat of the Bay and the settlement there, including the modern, comfortable facilities of the Orua Bay Motel and Camping Ground right on the beach-front. The Ritchie legacy remains.

Ritchies Arrive

Mr Robert and Mrs Mary Ritchie (nee Graham) arrived in Auckland from Paisley, Scotland, aboard one of the earliest steamships, Lord Ashley, in October 1858. The New Zealander newspaper, 23rd June 1858, noted “Steam Service a Fact” after it was announced in London that Lord Ashley was bringing passengers to Auckland, innovating steam propulsion in the colony. It would be the New Zealand Royal Mail Steam Company’s first venture to New Zealand with Captain Alexander Stewart at the helm, notable for his exploits and voyages of discovery in the Arctic.

The Ritchies and 4 daughters, Christina, Mary, Catherine (Kate) and Marion were seeking a better life and departed London on 26th May 1858 under steam. (Newspaper reports about the Ritchie family erroneously put the year as 1857). The ship, later enjoying favourable winds, was under sail for much of the voyage via South Africa and around the southern coast of Australia. As New Zealand was approached the wind died, steam took over, but then with better winds the Waitemata Harbour was safely reached under sail 13th October. The voyage was summed up at the time as “140 days – a very fair run… with passengers arriving in good spirits: there was not one death aboard during the trip out…”


The Ritchies first went to Graham’s Beach, although it was probably called Te Kauri at that time – reports have it that it was not called Graham’s Beach until after the death of pioneer William Graham.  William Graham and his wife, Marion, also originally from Paisley in Scotland, had settled there on what they called Kauri Point in 1853. Also on site at the same time was another family, among those first Europeans on the peninsula, Mr and Mrs Edward Logan and their two children, who had travelled with the Grahams to New Zealand.

Marion Graham was Mary Ritchie’s sister so there was a siblings’ reunion half a world from their native Paisley. The Ritchies, however, soon after moved the short distance to Orua Bay where they occupied 65 acres (26ha), granted title in 1861. The land was then thick virgin Kauri bush stretching to swampy land along the waterline of the Manukau Harbour.

In 1863 Robert Ritchie attended a meeting with other local residents (among them Messres Garland, Panormo, Coulthard and Dall together with Reverend Thomas Norrie) and proposed “…a school house and a place of worship in connection with the Presbyterian Church (of Scotland) be erected”.

Coulthard brothers, led by Septimus, were, like the Ritchies, among the first settlers at Orua: in fact Orua Bay was called Coulthard’s Bay for some time until Septimus’s wife Matilda (nee Panormo) decided the name should revert to Orua Bay and she took steps to get alterations made on shipping timetables, postal arrangements and maps, etc.  Coulthards established a store trading in Kauri Gum and general goods, transported to and from Onehunga on Septimus’s cutter Daphne.  A Post Office was incorporated in the store, with a weekly mail service overland from 1895 for some 15 years until mails arrived direct from Onehunga on the regular launch service which collected cream cans at various wharves on the run.

Original Panormo House at Orua Bay, built c 1860, known as “the old house”
Brian Muir Collection – Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections Footprints 07081

Septimus and Matilda lived at first in the Panormo house, several times added-to and believed to have a means of escape connected to the nearby blockhouse in case of hostilities. Septimus later had another house constructed on the beachfront.

 Milling the Native Timber

The Coulthards established a timber mill to harvest Kauri and other trees, notably Puriri. This industry required a wooden dam to store water to supply a giant waterwheel used to power machinery. On two occasions the dam malfunctioned, threatening settlers in the bay below. The first in July 1872 resulted from the sluice gates not being closed, as was usual, at the close of each day’s operations. This oversight led to a build-up behind the dam during the night until the timbers gave way with torrents of water rushing down into the bay. Some residents, flooded, gave the alarm and were rescued. It was considered lucky there were no casualties. Then, a few months later the scenario was repeated. This time the dam’s wooden frame gave way, an enormous volume of water was suddenly released, taking with it large quantities of logs and sawn timber down the slopes, across the flats, over the beach and into the harbour. Coulthards were left with loss of timbers and repairs to the embankment and timbered dam. The Ritchies must have been alarmed at the danger posed by the risk of the dam failing again. The Panormo brothers also established a mill and Robert Ritchie was employed there for a time. But Panormos gave it up in the face of  Native Land Wars, when demand for timber slumped and, anyway, the forest was being worked-out.  The Panormos travelled abroad but Charles and Louis returned to resettle in Awhitu in later years.


In 1859 Robert and Mary Ritchie extended their family with the birth of a son, Robert, and then William followed in 1861. Their fifth daughter, Annie, was born in 1863.

The pioneering Ritchies would have been in Orua Bay when, apart from milling the abundant timber, there was local activity around shipping (taking the timber and produce to Onehunga) boat-building (using the timber to make coastal craft), gum-digging (harvesting beneath the Kauri trees and in swamps where ancient forests had been located) and smelting (Coulthards’ set up a furnace to convert black iron-sand into metal, but the venture was short-lived: uneconomic).

Ritchies tried commerce, opening a small trading store on the waterfront, but it did not prosper. Robert cleared the land, built a family home and drained the swampland, extracting lucrative Kauri Gum.

The Ritchie family must have eyed with some comfort the blockhouse built in the Bay in anticipation of conflict with Maori – news of the Land Wars in Auckland, Waikato and Taranaki must have given constant worry to the settlers at Awhitu, in case the action spread to the peninsula. They knew there was a large Maori pah not far towards Waiuku and welcomed the blockhouse as a precaution.

But relationships had, from the first, been cordial with the local Maori and their chiefs assuring colonists that there would be no fighting and that the settlers had nothing to fear. Ben Westhead in “West of the Manukau” says the chiefs’ word was kept: the blockhouse was never used. But in an obituary for Marion Snowden (nee Ritchie) in the Auckland Star, 14 August 1940, it says “…during the war Mrs. Snowden had on several occasions been compelled to seek shelter with her family at the old blockhouse when there was danger of Maoris raiding the township”. She went to live in the relative safety of Onehunga until troubles subsided.

The New Zealand Herald, November 1932, recalled events of 1863 saying that rampaging Maori led by Te Pani wrecked the signal station at the Manukau Heads. The report says the military was engaged in skirmishes at Drury, so defence of the station on Paratutai Island at the Heads was left to a band of volunteers. “The rebels landed from canoes and destroyed the flagstaff and a boat, but did not molest two women living at the pilothouse. After removing two other boats, the Maoris sailed to Awhitu where they terrorised the settlers for a time”.

The Irwins, Turners, Milletts, Hamlins, Dickeys, Logans, Palmers, Shorts, Westheads, Hamiltons, McPikes, Arrowsmiths , Brooks and McTiers were among pioneer families – farmers, timber millers, flax millers, gum diggers or traders – in the District, many written up in Ben Westhead’s book.  Some of the men, like Alfred Palmer, left the district for long periods to serve in the Maori Land Wars. The Garland’s Hotel (sometimes referred to as Boathouse and Boat Hotel) at Awhitu Wharf appears to have been first licensed in December 1865. It became a hub of social events and an oasis for hard-working farmers, bushmen and mill-men alike. Renewal of the “bush licence” by John Garland for the eleven-roomed establishment, after a lapse, was declined in 1894.

The Missionary Influence

The overall good relationships with Maori were no doubt the enduring results of the work of the very first Europeans at Orua Bay – the missionaries. Methodist Minister William Woon set up a mission station in the bay in January 1836 but it was short-lived. Crops failed, forcing Maori and William Woon, his wife and two children from the peninsula. During his short tenure Woon described the place as having “grandeur of the harbour and wonder of scenery”. No other missionary had lived in these parts before with only one other settler, a trader, on the northern (opposite) shore of the harbour.

Later, in the spring of that year, members of the Church Missionary Society, notably, Reverend Dr Robert Maunsell and Mrs Maunsell, and, later, Reverend James Hamlin, his wife and family, arrived in the district.

Rev. Robert Maunsell

Hamlin had already visited the Manukau and had chosen the spot for the mission station.

Rev. John Hamlin

The Maunsells first established their base at the chosen spot on the shore just North of Waiuku at Uretoa, also known as Mokatoa and Moeatoa. But soon the Maunsells, joined by John Hamlin and family in September 1836, transferred to new headquarters, ”…slightly to the west of Orua Stream…”, buying land at what they described as the “…much more suitable…” Orua Bay.

Governor William Hobson and party made several official visits to Orua Bay between 1840 and early 1842.

Governor, Captain William Hobson, RN, Auckland Museum Collections

Orua Bay, perhaps because of its stable, mission settlement, had been chosen as location for signing of the Treaty of Waitangi on 20th March 1840. 3 Maori Chiefs signed at Orua Bay, the first from the Manukau area to do so. Seven more chiefs from outlying districts signed in late April, but at a different location, probably under Maunsell’s influence at Port Waikato.

“Missionary Station at Ourou in Manukao”
Date unknown c.1840. Pen and wash on paper Johnson, John 1794-1848 Auckland War Memorial Museum – Tāmaki Paenga Hira. PD18(23)

Bishop George Selwyn* also called in at the Mission at Orua Bay during his walk of the North Island in 1842. Selwyn arranged a canoe to take him on to Onehunga to avoid the long walk around the Manukau Harbour’s southern shoreline. The Bishop visited Orua Bay again the following year.

Mission Station Flourishes

Notwithstanding trials and tribulations, the thriving Mission Station at Orua Bay endured. Residents at first lived in Raupo huts divided into a few rooms, “…the huts when new are liveable, but as they dry they become highly flammable,” Mrs Maunsell wrote home to England, “… the sitting room in turn serves as parlour, schoolroom, laundry, kitchen etc”. Hewn-timbered dwellings replaced the huts. The wives shared duties to take school lessons, up to 50 local pupils, including Maori children and adults, with morning and afternoon sessions.

John Hamlin* cultivated land adjacent to the Mission and proved himself a capable farmer, probably the first settler in the Manukau to engage extensively in agricultural pursuits. He farmed 400-500 acres (160 – 200hectares) and was looked on by traders as a landowner of considerable importance. (Later farmers said they found the land unsuitable for agriculture and pastoral purposes without application of much fertiliser)

But the missionaries’ work paid off in many ways for the people Orua Bay, like the Ritchies. Ben Westhead, author of “West of the Manukau”, says “… the influence of these missionaries was felt many years later when war broke out in the Waikato. Not a single white person was molested during the whole trouble and Maori Chief Kaihau used his influence with his counterpart, Tawhiao, to protect his white friends”.

The Beaten Track

On the surface the missionaries’ decision to set up at Orua Bay might seem strange because it was off the beaten track, off the busy “highway” between Auckland and the Waikato.

Not so. Orua Bay was just off the route well-used from earliest times by Maori. From Otahuhu they travelled by canoe across the Manukau Harbour to Waiuku. There they carried their craft the short distance to the Awaroa River which flowed to the Waikato River. The shallow draft canoes usually found the stream navigable, but there are stories of mud dams being built by hand to raise the level so, progressively, with a series of temporary dams the travellers could pass along the Awaroa to the Waikato River, gaining access to the South and Waikato. Maori thus deployed their own style of elementary locks when the Awaroa was at low levels.

There are accounts of fierce inter-tribal fighting in 1836 at the territorial threshold, and scene of much warfare, near the confluence of the Awaroa and Waikato Rivers. It may have been an inter-tribal boundary.

Before roads and railways were built, this became the preferred route as trade and travel increased. South-bound travellers and goods would be transported by cutter or scow from Onehunga to Waiuku. It was then a walk or a ride on horseback or ox cart a few miles or so (3 km) to the emerging “new town” of Pura Pura (also known as Moeatoa), a surveyed township at the head of the Awaroa River which was quite a settlement by the late 1840s… and growing… with stores, allocated mooring sites, a flax mill, native hostelry and Edward Constable’s “Rising Sun Hotel” providing travellers with accommodation and refreshment. . (These days few traces remain, it’s as if the place, somewhere near the present Misa Road, never existed).  The hotel was removed to Waiuku in 1851 as “The Kentish”, which has continued as licensed premises since 1853, said to be the longest-held licence in New Zealand.

Kentish Hotel, Waiuku, 1877
James D Richardson Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections 4-9141

The next stage of the journey south from Pura Pura was by boat, first the five miles (7km) through swamp down the Awaroa River to join the Waikato River near Maioro for passage on to Tuakau, Mercer, Hamilton, and beyond.

Awaroa River near Pura Pura known as Otaua Landing c 1898
Enos Silvenus Pegler, Waiuku Museum Soc. – Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections Footprints 04731

Northbound, natives brought vegetables and grain to trade at Waiuku. In 1852 a traveller, Alexander Kennedy** describes the route thus: “Although it is little more than a ditch in some places the whole of the produce of the Waipa District is nevertheless brought by the natives in their canoes up this creek and conveyed across the portage to Waiuku when it is again shipped and landed at Onehunga…”

In these times Waiuku, the portage point, became the most important centre South of Otahuhu and was likely to become even bigger as trade developed and travel became popular. In 1858 the Provincial Government recognised the importance of the portage and provided funds for roading and bridges to ensure this vital link between Auckland and the Waikato remained passable year-round.

The government also investigated a canal, with locks, linking the Awaroa River at Pura Pura with the Manukau Harbour at Waiuku. Government money was set aside for surveying this “water highway” but it was superseded by the decision to prefer inland routes and the forming of the Great South Road and construction of the main trunk railway. Port Waikato provided ample facilities at that time for shipping. Waiuku, thus, was left out: its prominence lost as a vital through-route. Some settlers claimed they had paid high prices for land near Waiuku on the promise of a linking canal, or tramway, with much enhanced prospects for the district. They were dismayed when neither eventuated… and had not forgotten this in 1882 when they petitioned the Government for an alternative: a branch railway line from Pukekohe to Waiuku. They finally got their wish 40 years later when in 1922 local MP and Prime Minister, W. F .Massey, welcomed the first train at Waiuku.  This gave settlers of Awhitu, including Orua Bay, alternative transport for their produce.

Rt Hon William Massey
Schmidt, Weekly News – Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections AWNS-19130501-16-1


First train on the Glenbrook – Waiuku Line 1922
Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections AWNS-19220112-42-2

Dairy produce from factories in the district was its principal freight until road carriage took over and New Zealand Railways closed the line in 1967, though it was spared when a year later a spur was opened to serve the Glenbrook Steel Mill. The Railway Enthusiasts’ Society took over the track from Glenbrook Station to Fernleigh on the outskirts of Waiuku in 1971 to create a vintage steam railway. In 2014 the line was extended and visitors on this popular tourist attraction can now travel as far as Victoria Street Station at the rear of the Cosmopolitan Club, a short walk to and from Waiuku’s main street.

 Cornwallis – Unrealised Dream

So, returning to the Mission Station at Orua Bay. It was established not far from off the beaten track, “the highway” of the time, and perhaps Maunsell and Hamlin had heard about the inter-tribal fighting among Maori near Waiuku and decided Orua Bay would be safer.

Then again, perhaps the clerics savoured an extended mission, ministering to colonists in the new town of Cornwallis, proposed on a site straight across the narrow stretch of the Manukau Harbour from Orua Bay.  Colonising entrepreneurs, the New Zealand Manukau and Waitemata Land Company, had chosen Cornwallis as the future centre of a developing Auckland: a large town (maybe, later, a city), commercial hub and port, outdoing that on the Waitemata, bigger and better. Prospective settlers purchased sections through the Company before the first group left Scotland in December, 1840, aboard the “Brilliant”. Adversity began right away: on the first day the ship nearly ran aground and had to make for Cork for a check-up. There the captain, officers, crew and some passengers left the “Brilliant” saying it was less than its name implied: unseaworthy. Captain David Ritchie (no relation) and a new crew got the vessel through many other trials during the long voyage of 10 months. Severely tested, other passengers and crew members had left the ship en route so just 27 would-be settlers reached Cornwallis. Much to their surprise and disappointment they found none of the  development they had  anticipated as their “promised land”, just dense native bush, rough-cut walking tracks, a few Raupo huts, a harbour with a dangerous bar and a port too shallow to take the “Brilliant”, unsurveyed sections and arguments with Maori about who, exactly, owned the land.


There was further setback when long-time advocate of the colonists’ scheme and the Company’s agent/manager, Captain William Cornwallis Symonds, was drowned in November 1841. Symonds had a successful military career and had been in New Zealand since the 1830s where he held numerous public offices during earliest development of Auckland province. Sir William Cornwallis had been a benefactor to William Symond’s father, hence the name.

On the day of Captain Symond’s death he learned that Mrs Hamlin, across the strait at Orua Bay Mission Station, was very ill and that Dr Ellis was not available. Symonds immediately took medical supplies and helpers in a boat. About halfway during the crossing the craft capsized in a sudden squall… Symonds and 3 others drowned. Mrs Hamlin survived her illness.

This tragedy robbed the enterprise’s devoted leader and, along with other land and development problems, meant Cornwallis didn’t prosper despite two more ships, the “Osprey” and the “Louisa Campbell,” bringing further intending settlers. Milling the timber was but a short-lived industry.

The vision was all over by the mid-1850s. Some of the “sections” in the proposed township went unsold or unclaimed – these formed the basis of what is now a public park with a memorial to those who participated in the unfortunate experiment, the obelisk plainly seen across the water from Orua Bay.

Captain William Cornwallis Symonds is recalled with the name of Symonds Street and Symonds Street Cemetery in Auckland City. His younger brother Captain John Jermyn Symonds followed William to Auckland in 1841, becoming a public official and a commander in the military with the Fencible forces. He was later a Land Court Judge and elected MP – he is remembered by Symonds Street, Onehunga, near where he settled.

The area on the Northern side of the Manukau Harbour, including where Cornwallis was proposed, was originally called Karangahape, and the road in Auckland city was so named as this was the beginning of the track that Maori took en route for Karangahape on the Manukau.

Life in the Bay

Dr Maunsell later relocated to Maraetai Mission Station at Waikato Heads. But he often visited Orua Bay, taking several days for the journey, first crossing the Waikato River to Maioro Bay by canoe and then walking along the coastline to Awhitu. John Hamlin later transferred to Wairoa Mission Station near Papakura.

In August 1888 Robert’s son William possessed “a fast sailing boat”, probably the “Maui”, and used it to ferry members of the Awhitu Rugby Club to Waiuku for a match against locals there. Awhitu was victorious, a performance repeated when Waiuku visited Orua Bay for a return match.

In January 1891 a yacht owned by the Ritchies (again, possibly “Maui”) was in the news after an electric storm passed Orua Bay in the middle of the night. After one very vivid lightning flash during the prolonged storm a thunderous crash was heard by all in the Bay. Next morning it was found the yacht had been damaged. Close inspection showed a lightning bolt had struck the side leaving a large hole in her planks and melting metal parts of the rigging. The New Zealand Herald, reporting the storm, noted that it had “… rather interfered with the amusements of the four or five families of visitors residing at the Bay”. Nothing like understatement, but the report includes reference to visitors – they were probably guests at Ritchie’s accommodation. Robert had built cottages on the waterfront; accommodation he would let to visitors whom he thought would find Orua Bay attractive for a summer holiday.

 Orua Bay – Resort

That violent, somewhat unseasonal, storm coincided, in the same month, January 1891, with the very first advertisements in The Auckland Star newspaper advising that Robert Ritchie had cottages to let at Orua Bay.

Papers Past, National Library of N Z

Note that Ritchie uses  the old way of spelling “Awitu” which was rapidly falling into disuse in favour of the other version with the “h”. Whichever, the name translates to “place longed for”, “longing to return”.

In January 1897 the Auckland Star’s Awhitu correspondent noted that Coulthards had purchased more land at Orua Bay, and once the swamp was drained, would be “…a coming resort”. (There are reports that Moa bones were not infrequently found in swampland during these operations)

Coulthard’s house “Jesmond Dene”, c 1895, Orua Bay,
took over from the earlier Panormo residence
Brian Muir collection – Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections Footprints 07066

Newspaper social pages in that summer of 1897 noted that the well-to-do Brooks family from Parnell was holidaying at the Bay at the time. They were related to pioneers in the District.

By Easter 1898 the Waiuku and Onehunga Steam Navigation Company Limited had realised the tourist potential Orua Bay offered for day-trippers as well as those who sought accommodation to stay over with the Ritchies. Special trips were scheduled over the Easter break aboard S.S. Weka, even though the name “Coulthards Bay” is used in the timetable instead of, by then, the preferred “Orua Bay”.  Reduced excursion fares were offered. The Company, revising its business extensively, announced that weather permitting, the Weka would call at all landing places as required… including The Heads, Awhitu, Pollok, Te Toro, Waipipi and Waiuku. The following year Huia, on the northern shore of the Manukau, was added to the Weka’s scheduled stopping places and later still some journeys included Whatipu.

That same date the press was also reporting that the Government Surveyor, presently in Awhitu, should be directed by the Education Board to map the site of the Orua Bay School, land given by Elizabeth Coulthard. “The school is in full swing” the report said, “with Mrs Mellsop the teacher who has created a grand flower garden in front”.

Orua Bay Schoolhouse, Brian Muir Collection – Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections Footprints 07056

But for all Miss Mellsop’s  good qualities and expertise, she resigned her post in 1899 when she declined to teach singing. She is 4th from left in the school photo.

Pupils of Orua School, 1895. Waiuku Museum Society – Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections Footprints 04699

An Auckland Star reporter discovered the qualities of the peninsula for the visitor and waxed eloquent in a lengthy article in the newspaper in July 1899. “Already families have chosen Graham’s Beach and Orua Bay for summer holidays. At the latter there are two stores, each having their own trading cutter – Coulthard‘s and Ritchie’s”. For potential settlers the Star continues “…one striking feature in the northern part of Awhitu is that the lands lay chiefly to the warm and favoured north-east. The soil is light, with a general subsoil of rich clay, and several swamps, some of which are already being drained and turned into grazing land. The district hitherto has only had a Scotch Church, but a pretty site above Orua Bay is being transferred to the Anglican Church by Mr W. F. Hammond out of his own land”.

In July 1899 Robert and Mary Ritchie appeared in Court at Waiuku to successfully apply for a pension.

“Greetings from Orua Bay”, postcard, c 1909
Waiuku Museum Society Collection – Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections Footprints 04613

Boating on the Manukau Harbour

A few months later Robert had the sad duty to telegraph police at Onehunga with a message that a man’s body had been washed up, as the New Zealand Herald reported, “at Ritchie’s Bay”. The victim was Joseph Balton who “ventured out to Onehunga in a cranky boat without sea-faring skills when the craft capsized between Puponga Point (Cornwallis) and the Manukau Heads”. His companion was saved, but 22 year old Balton disappeared, thought to have drowned – and now Robert Ritchie had secured his remains.

There were several similar incidents with boats on the harbour: weather, fool-hardiness, the onset of darkness and poor navigation skills contributed to tragedy. Although outside the Manukau Heads, the wreck of HMS Orpheus in February 1863, showed the treachery of the elements.

HMS Orpheus: drawing in ‘Illustrated London News’
Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections JTD-19M-01678

The ship was wrecked as it crossed the bar with the loss of 189 of the 256 on board at the time.  Nothing has changed: there were boating accidents in Ritchie’s time and there are still today.

Not long after the Orpheus tragedy a settler from farmland opposite Waipipi took delivery of a brand new boat at Onehunga and attempted to get it home. Over 4 days as he travelled the Manukau Harbour he was seen by several passing boats at different locations. Everyone who saw the new craft realised the seamanship left much to be desired.  The boat, one-time in the shallows, another in a dangerous situation too close to the Heads, was taken in tow. Then it was sighted anchored off Graham’s Beach, our intrepid apprentice sailor asleep on the beach. A local gave him advice about the best course to take and sent him on his way towards Waipipi. Meantime, one of the earlier helpers mentioned the apparently hopeless case to police at Onehunga and the local constable was detailed to make inquiries. He found the sailor and his new boat had arrived home safely after a circuitous, trying, voyage that took 3 days more than it should have!

In December 1907 one of the Ritchies, William, was involved in what the Auckland Star described as “…a painful accident at Onehunga Wharf to a young man who resides at Awhitu. Ritchie was assisting to get a launch alongside the wharf, when his knee got between the launch and the wharf, and was severely wrenched. No bones were broken, and, after receiving medical attendance, Ritchie was taken to the residence of Mrs. Snowden, Onehunga, (his sister) where he is at present staying”

The scheduled boat service between Orua Bay and Onehunga seems to have ended in  the 1960s, though excursions may have continued.

Then in August 1910 two well-known names in the district were involved in a boating tragedy on the West Coast off Pollok. George Clark and Alfred Clyde Millett had been trying to re-float a punt near Cochran’s Gap when the dinghy they were in was hit by a large wave and capsized. Both men were flung into the sea… Clark tried to assist his companion but to no avail and almost lost his own life in the attempt. Clark eventually made his way back to shore exhausted but uninjured: Millett was swept away by the waves in the current and drowned.

In 1903 the wharf at Orua Bay was constructed after the Awhitu Road Board had a wrangle with contractors about the price of the work, and with settlers about building wharves on the Manukau. Graham’s Beach was also due for a wharf at the same time – tender prices for building both came in well over Government estimates. So the Board did a deal with Ralph Millett of Orua Bay to build both wharves on a “supplies and labour” basis… and to appease Graham’s Beach folk, their wharf was built first.

Orua Bay Wharf c 1925
Brian Muir Collection – Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections Footprints 07060

Construction of Orua’s wharf immediately followed … it was to endure about 50 years before being demolished in 1951.

 The Barges1920s Auckland had an insatiable appetite for sand to make into concrete for the many projects underway. Roading was one, public buildings another, together with construction of the upper dam at Huia to feed the growing city’s fresh water needs . Big Bay, next to Orua at the tip of the Awhitu Peninsula had an abundance of sand and, contracted to carriers and construction companies, barges would arrive to gather the resource and take it to Onehunga. Former bargeman Morton Paul *** recalls long days and nights on these trips the timetable dictated entirely by the tides and the weather. The barges tethered to a launch would often leave Onehunga in the middle of the night to catch high tide, arriving at Big Bay some two or three hours later where a spot to ground the craft was worked out and anchors taken ashore. Once the tide had gone out and the craft were beached, planks would be put down enabling the task of loading the barges. This was by wheelbarrows until some 50 yards (38 cubic meters) of sand, filled each barge. Later ingenious hoists assisted loading.  Once afloat it was the return journey to Onehunga to unload. To coincide with the tides, operations were carried out at all times of the day and night: loading at Big Bay was often done by the light of the moon or illuminated by kerosene lamps and flares. The tidal timetable also applied to loading… Morton Paul says he often saw drays and trucks stuck in the sand, “it was like quicksand”, on an incoming tide… “”the tide comes in so quickly on the Manukau and there’s a rise and fall of 17 feet (5.5meters) so occasionally it proved impossible to get a vehicle out in time”.

Sometimes while awaiting the tide bargemen would have a spell at Orua Bay, tie up to the wharf and visit locals.

Sand for the Huia Dam project was taken from Big Bay straight across the harbour, more or less opposite Orua Bay, to Big Muddy Bay. “But I never enjoyed the trip even though it was short, about 2 miles (3.2k), because it was very risky and more than once I lost a load of sand I was supposed to deliver for the dam construction”.

Barge alongside the hopper at Big Muddy Bay 1920
Henry Winkelmann- Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections JTD-08B-03298-1

Sand operations wound up on the Manukau in the 1930s when Mercer became the main source.

Ritchie – Personal

In 1905 some 65 acres (26 hectares) in Orua Bay were transferred to the name of Mary Ritchie, the then current occupier.

There must have been something of a scandal in the District when Robert Ritchie, Junior, was heading towards bankruptcy in 1914. He had commissioned a builder, E. Morton, to construct accommodation at his mother’s property at Orua Bay. Robert Junior had misjudged funds available: a loan from his brother William and the proceeds of selling his boat, the Maui. He was in trouble with the Official Assignee when he did not appear in person for the scheduled court hearing… but the Court accepted Robert meant no disrespect by his absence when he explained the poor mails to Orua Bay had not alerted him to the hearing in time to get to Auckland. His petition was allowed: he was later discharged from bankruptcy in May 1919.

Mrs Mary Ritchie died in October 1915. Her brief obituary in the New Zealand Herald, while it has the date of her arrival in Auckland wrong, continues,  “…she leaves a husband, four daughters, two sons, twenty-nine grandchildren, and thirty-five great grandchildren”.

Renewed Business

Despite the First World War, in subsequent years there was increased newspaper advertising of the Ritchie’s visitors’ facilities at Orua Bay. In April 1916 there was a plea to make early Easter bookings for-

“An Ideal Holiday Resort. Near Manukau Heads end, West Coast.


First-class Table. Shooting. Fishing, Boating.

Handy City. Good Launch Service.

 Apply immediately to Ritchie, Orua Bay.”

This advertisement  indicates that perhaps Robert Junior’s additions had at last been completed! Later that year regular advertisements in the New Zealand Herald read

“Orua House”, Orua Bay, Manukau –

Ideal place for quiet holiday.

First-class boarding house.

Fishing, boating, shooting.

Terms: 6s day; 30s week.

Brownlie’s launch from Onehunga. Ritchie, Orua Bay”.

And appealing to the Christmas holiday visitors, in December that year the advertising had a new therapeutic twist…

Great Health Resort. Under new management.

First-class Boarding house;

convenient to town, fishing, boating;

good launch service. Terms, 6s day, 30s week”

And then in January 1902 the very last newspaper advertisement for Ritchie’s establishment appeared in the Auckland Star


Fishing, boating, swimming;

tariff, £2 2/.—R. Ritchie, Orua Bay

Within weeks Ritchie’s advertisements were replaced in the Auckland Star by those of a new competitor, the local postmistress, Mrs Johansson who was quick to point out the facilities she could provide guests!

“Beach Haven”, Orua Bay, (via Onehunga).

Winter and Summer Boarding House.

P.O. and telephone in house.

Apply to Mrs Johansson.

In the 1930s Mrs Johansson changed the name of her property, advertising “Loch Lomond House, good seaside accommodation at moderate rates”.

In October 1920 Robert Ritchie, Snr, died and lies in Awhitu Cemetery, Manukau Heads Road, also known as the Maori War and Pioneers Cemetery.  He would have been in his 80s.

Regular newspaper advertising for Ritchie’s Orua Bay property ceased until January 1924 when it resumed and with a new name, “L. Morris”. Up until this time it appears Robert Ritchie Junior had been running the business and now he was in partnership with his nephew, Leslie Morris.

THE PINES. Orua Bay via Onehunga.

 The place to spend your holidays.

Lovely beach for bathing, good fishing; tennis court, etc.

For full particulars wire or write L. Morris, Proprietor.

Advertising resumed in October 1929 after a break over winter.

The typical advertisements continued over the years in much the same form, except in the 1930s “boats for fishing” and “wireless” was added, indicating guests had access to a radio so they could listen to their favourite programmes while on holiday.  “2 hours by boat” was another variation of the classified advertisement along with other changes from time to time -“spend your holidays at the seaside – try us”. “Billiard table”, “dance hall”, “store”, and “seaside frontage” were included as enticement at different times.

By 1930 Leslie and Lilly Morris were outright owners. Robert Junior had sold the establishment on the seafront in 1921 to Trevor Lewis from whom the Morris’s purchased it. The property thus returned to the “wider Ritchie family”. The Morris’s erected a hall which provided for what must have been the social highlight of the year, or for many years, with an evening and dance held in September 1930 by the Public Works Department at The Pines.  The New Zealand Herald reported the gala occasion, attended by Department’s employees and many local residents. “The hall was attractively decorated… … there were solo songs and a pianoforte item between dances… … with an excellent supper provided by Mr L. Morris. Miss Morris wore a navy blue crepe  de chine with fawn trimming. The Public Works Department oversaw development of “an all-weather road between Waiuku and Awhitu, with bridges and access to Orua Bay Road, using “relief labour”: jobs offered men who were out of work because of widespread economic depression.

In 1932 these works were reflected in a “grand celebration”, held at The Pines when residents and members of Franklin County Council marked the opening of Morrison Road, named after an early settler of the peninsula, Alexander Morrison, who came from Glasgow in 1887, buying land at Awhitu 10 years later. He was a member of the County Council and a firm advocate for better roading in the District. He died in 1937 so he could have been at that function at The Pines.

By 1935 there must have been a faster steamship or an “oil launch” available because the journey from Onehunga is reduced by 30 minutes to one and a half hours! Newspaper ads ceased, understandably, during World War Two. And in this year it appears Richies sold their remaining property at Orua Bay.


By 1944 the property at Orua Bay was back in business as a resort operated by Charles Edward Le Grice. He had owned buses in Auckland and tourist accommodation at Piha. Newspaper advertisements for both Le Grice’s Piha property (tariff: 3 pounds 3 shillings per week) and the Ritchie’s “The Pines” at Orua Bay (2 pounds 10 shillings weekly) were, in the late 1920s, often cheek-by-jowl in the classified columns, competing for business.  Le Grice is later listed as owner of the Piha enterprise.

Charles Le Grice began marketing sections at Orua Bay in January 1944:

10 level quarter-acre sections,

close to the beach,

100 pounds each

In April the same year, nearly too late for summer visitors, he began advertising in the New Zealand Herald classified columns:

ORUA BAY. Le Grice’s Orua House

Good fishing, launch, rowing boats, tennis, billiards, dance hall, etc.

Ph 1, Le Grice Orua Bay.

It looks like Le Grice installed the first private telephone in the Bay, about 1944. Business obviously looked up with the end of the Second World War. In October 1945 the advert in the New Zealand Herald advised that the Christmas holidays were already fully booked but the ad on the 27th October was the last in the name of Le Grice. In November the establishment was under new management, gearing-up with newspaper advertisements seeking 2 housemaid-waitresses. “Don’t see a returned serviceman stuck” the advertisement pleaded, referring to the fact that the new proprietor (Stanley Sawyers?) had seen service in the war. Mrs Johansson, still in business in the Bay was also seeking staff as the holiday season approached. And new-comers, Watsons, added an alternative, advertising their accommodation at Orua Bay: guests were housed in Army Huts, no longer required, post-war, by the military and moved to the Bay.

Orua Bay, 1964
Brian Muir Collection – Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections Footprints 07160

There were increasing accommodation opportunities as Orua Bay’s attractions became evermore popular with weekend visitors, day-trippers and sightseers. The original Ritchie property has changed hands many times over the decades. Today the Bay has its share of both year-round residents and holiday baches, along with the modern amenities on the same waterfront where Ritchies opened their facilities in 1891, some 125 years ago!


* Hamlin and Selwyn notes by G.G.M. Mitchell, were published in the “Auckland – Waikato Historical Journal, No.50”, April 1987, Auckland-Waikato Historical Societies, J. P. Webster, Editor

**  Kennedy quote from  “Early Waiuku, Edward Constable and the Kentish Hotel:, Brian Muir,

*** Recollections by Morton Paul were published in the “Auckland – Waikato Historical Journal, No.29”, September 1976, Auckland-Waikato Historical Societies, E. Macdonald, Editor


In-room almanac at Orua Bay Motel

Website: Papers Past, National Museum of New Zealand.  Accessed on various dates in October 2015

New Zealand Herald and The Auckland Star, Papers Past, National Library of New Zealand

http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~ourstuff/SettlementofCornwallis accessed ditto

“West of the Manukau”, Ben Westhead printed by Waiuku News 1948.

“Heads Harbour and Hills – An Awhitu History”, Edited by Rachael Hawkin and Lloyd Walker, Awhitu History Book Society, 1999

“Auckland – Waikato Historical Journal, No.54”, April 1989, Editor J. P. Webster

Photos reproduced from the Brian Muir Collection are courtesy of Mrs Valerie Muir

“Methodist Beginnings in the Manukau” by C. T. J. Luxton – Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #17(4).


RCC 12/2015. 06/19, o5/20.